Brief History of Turkey's International Relations

Following the War of Independence, the Turkish Republic was founded in 1923 on the ashes of the Ottoman Empire. In line with the Western vocation it has been pursuing for well over a century and a half, Turkey proceeded to establish its political and legal systems on modern, secular European models. At the same time, Turkey adopted a policy of developing good relations with all countries, and in particular with its neighbors. In line with this policy, Turkey played a prominent role in the establishment of the Balkan Entente of 1934 comprising Turkey, Greece, Romania and Yugoslavia, and the Saadabad Pact of 1937 composed of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Afghanistan.

In 1932, Turkey was invited to join the League of Nations to enhance its own security through collective efforts and to establish its place as a modern state in the international community.

At the end of the Second World War, Turkey became a founding member of the United Nations (UN). This was followed by memberships in the Council of Europe in 1949, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1952 and the OECD in 1960.

In 1963, Turkey became an Associate Member of the European Economic Community (EEC) by an Association Agreement that aimed at eventual full membership.

Thus, Turkey consolidated its integration into Europe and the Western world through its membership in major international political, economic and defense institutions.

During the Cold War years, Turkey contributed to the security and defense of the Western world as the southeastern bulwark of NATO.

As Turkey steadily developed its economy and consolidated its democracy in the aftermath of the Second World War, the country's links with the wider international community grew.

In the 1970s Turkey's improving relations with the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries made it something of a catalyst in the international climate of "detente."

In 1987, Turkey applied for full membership in the European Community (EC), and a Customs Union between Turkey and the European Union (EU) has been in effect since January 1, 1996.

The dramatic changes that occurred in Eastern Europe and in the former Soviet Union in the late 1980s and the early1990s led to a sweeping re-definition of international relations.

The collapse of communism, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany and other related developments, which brought the bitter East-West rivalry and the bipolar international system to an end, have led to the widespread adoption by former Communist countries of pluralistic democracy, respect for human rights, and free market economy; principles to which Turkey has long been committed. The end of the Cold War also created a wave of optimism throughout the world. However, ethnic nationalism, and irredentist tendencies have caused a number of regional wars to erupt and cast a dark shadow over this initial optimism.

In the post-Cold War period, Turkey found itself at the epicenter of an enlarged geopolitical and geostrategic landscape stretching from Europe and the Balkans to the Caucasus and Central Asia on the West-East axis, with the Middle East to its south. This traditionally volatile geographical zone has again become the stage of unrest and conflicts with tragic consequences in this landscape. Turkey today faces new challenges, as well as new opportunities.

Turkey, with its democratic institutions, secular system, free market economy, respect for the rule of law, human rights and fundamental freedoms, is in a position to act as a role model for many newly emerged countries and the Islamic world.

In 1992, Turkey became an Associate Member of the Western European Union (WEU) with a view to eventual full membership.

A crucial step forward in integration with the EU came at the start of 1996 when a Customs Union between Turkey and the EU came into force.

Europe's new security architecture rests on the interlocking and complementary organizational frameworks of a transformed NATO, the OSCE, and the WEU. Turkey is an active participant in all and plays a constructive role in furthering their respective goals.

Turkey has also promoted such regional cooperation schemes as the Black Sea Economic Cooperation, and an enlarged Economic Cooperation Organization and actively participates in Mediterranean cooperative schemes.

Turkey is one of the founding members of the United Nations. It has pledged to commit itself to upholding the noble goals and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations (UN). Turkey has actively taken part in the Organization’s endeavors in the maintenance of peace and security as well as in efforts in socio-economic fields for the advancement of humanity.

To date, Turkey has served on the Security Council three times (1951-52,1954-55 and in 1961 for a split term). Recently it has presented its candidature to the U.N. Security Council for the term 2001-2002.

In the service of world peace, Turkey lost 733 lives during UN peacekeeping operations. As far back as in 1950, shortly after the establishment of the UN system, Turkey participated in the UN Command in Korea, where its forces served with distinction. More recently, it contributed substantially to UNOSOM (peace-keeping operations in Somalia), UNPROFOR (peace-keeping operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina), UNIKOM (The UN Iraq-Kuwait Observation Mission), and UNOMIG (The UN Observer Mission in Georgia). Turkey has recently confirmed its readiness to contribute to the planned "Stand-by Forces" to enhance the peace maintenance capacity of the UN.

Turkey has also taken an active part in all the UN specialized agencies. It has been an ardent supporter of the UN and its goals during all the important summits and conferences organized by the Organization. More recently Turkey hosted the HABITAT-II Conference in 1996.

Following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990, Turkey fully complied with the UN resolutions on economic sanctions to Iraq. It has fulfilled its duty despite an extremely high cost to its economy.

Turkey is a donor country contributing significant amount of aid and assistance to some 50 countries all around the world.

It strongly supports the Reform Program of the UN in order to better cope with and address the new realities and challenges of the 21st century.

Turkey contributed to the development of the capabilities and work of the UN, especially to its battle against transnational organized crime, narcotics, terrorism, and contemporary forms of racism.

Turkey has shown a keen interest in Europe’s integration process from the very beginning. Turkey applied for Associate Membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), shortly after the Treaty of Rome establishing the EEC was concluded in 1957. The Ankara Agreement, signed between Turkey and the EEC in 1963, envisages Turkey's full membership.

An Additional Protocol was concluded between Turkey and the EEC in 1973, which established the framework and conditions of the transitional stage of the Association.

During the 1970s there was a virtual standstill in Turkey's relations with the Community, mainly because of economic constraints. After 1983, however, progress resumed and a new momentum began which culminated in Turkey's application for full membership on April 14, 1987.

In its Opinion (Avis) of 1989, the European Commission found Turkey eligible for full membership. The Commission's Opinion was endorsed by the EC Council in 1990.

On March 6, 1995, the Turkey-EU Association Council decided to conclude Customs Union between Turkey and EU effective as of January 1, 1996, and the European Parliament subsequently gave its assent. The Customs Union has come into force as planned.

On the same occasion, the Association Council also adopted a resolution for the further development of relations in other aspects of the Association.

In this context, the modalities of a structured dialogue and institutional cooperation between Turkey and the EU were laid down. The EU also issued a Declaration concerning financial cooperation with Turkey.

The Customs Union marks a significant milestone in Turkey’s advanced relations with the EU and a very important stage in its drive for full membership.

The EU Commission, however, in its reports entitled "Agenda 2000", while proposing a number of measures which aimed at ensuring the accession of 10 Central and Eastern European Countries and "Cyprus", disregarded Turkey’s application for full membership and submitted a communication to the Council which mainly emphasized improving and deepening the Customs Union.

Moreover, at the Luxembourg Summit held between December 12-13, 1997, the European Council decided to launch the accession process comprising the ten Central and Eastern European applicant States and "Cyprus" and left Turkey outside the accession process.

Thus, Turkey was discriminated against in terms of accession perspectives and available means to help reach that goal, despite EU’s commitments that Turkey would be judged by the same objective criteria as other candidates.

Consequently, in a statement made by the Turkish Government following the Luxembourg Summit, it has been announced that from Turkey’s point of view the text was not acceptable.

It was also announced that the Turkish Government would maintain the existing association relations with the EU, but that the development of these relations was dependent on EU’s fulfillment of its previous commitments.

The relatively positive developments at the Cardiff and Vienna Summits in June and December 1998, respectively, such as the endorsement of the "European Strategy" neither present a clear political message for Turkey, nor provide a sound basis for our membership process.

Also, progress was not madeat the Cologne Summit in June 1999 and Turkey continues to abide by the principles that have guided its approach vis-a-vis the decisions of the Luxembourg Summit.

Turkey is a member of NATO since 1952. Its membership to the Alliance constitutes a cornerstone of Turkey's foreign and security policy.

With its strong and disciplined armed forces which is the second largest in NATO after that of the US, Turkey has played a significant role during the Cold War era in the Alliance. Following the developments in the Euro-Atlantic area since the beginning of the 1990’s, Turkey's strategic importance has acquired a new dimension, particularly due to its geographic proximity to volatile regions.

In this new security environment where new risks stemming from ethnic conflicts, terrorism, mass migration, breakdowns in civil order, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction have emerged, NATO has taken decisive steps aimed at responding to these new challenges. The creation of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, enhancing the Partnership for Peace (Pfp), enlargement of NATO, the establishment of the NATO-Russian Permanent Joint Council and the NATO-Ukraine Commission, the dialogue initiated with several Mediterranean countries, the reform of the NATO command structure, implementation of the new concept of Combined Joint Task Force, the creation of the European Security and Defense Identitiy (ESDI) within the Alliance and updating of the Strategic Concept have all become the main components of NATO’s adaptation process. Having a strong belief in the primary role of NATO in preserving peace and security in the Euro-Atlantic area, Turkey fully supports these efforts.

Turkey is also an associate member of WEU since 1992. The formula whereby the European members of NATO which are not members of EU are given the opportunity to be associate members of WEU, is based on the understanding that WEU reinforces the "European Pillar of NATO".

Turkey’s participation in WEU, although not fully satisfactory, is not that different from full members. However, Turkey’s overall longterm perspective is to become a full member to WEU, as long as it exists.Turkey declared its intention for full WEU membership in April 1987. Turkey’s membership to WEU is in line with the logic of the "European Pillar", and should also be viewed in the perspective of Turkey’s relations with EU which is also aimed at full membership and which has entered a new phase with the Customs Union.

Turkey has played an active part in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) which was initiated in 1975 with the objective of safeguarding peace and stability in a politically and ideologically divided Europe by means of dialogue. Following the transformation of the OSCE into the "Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)" and the development of several OSCE institutions and structures dealing with early warning, conflict prevention, democracy-building and human rights, Turkey’s interest in and contribution to the efforts of the organization has also deepened and diversified.

Turkey regards the OSCE as a suitable institutional framework for advancing the "Eurasian" concept which is an important feature of the Turkish foreign policy.

With this aim, Turkey, while fully supporting and encouraging the OSCE efforts in the fields of human rights, rule of law and democracy building in the new participating states that have gained their independence after the end of the Cold War, also favours a more substantial OSCE role in the field of Economic and Environmental Cooperation, one of the traditional three dimensions of the OSCE (the third being the Politico/Military Aspects of Security, a field in which Turkey has assumed a key role and made major contributions including through the CFE Treaty and Confidence and Security Building Measures)

The next meeting of the OSCE Heads of State or Government will be held in Ystanbul, on 18-19 November 1999. This meeting to be hosted by Turkey, will be the last major diplomatic gatheringt of the 20th Century. It is expected that a new "Charter on European Security" that would establish the security model for the 21st Century will be adopted in Ystanbul.

The Truman Doctrine of 1947 marked the beginning of a new era in Turkish-American relations. Close working ties were developed between Turkey and the US in the political, military, economic, technical, social, and cultural fields since that time.

Bilateral relations has withstood the test of times.

A new chapter in Turkish-American relations opened in the 1980s and cooperation increased significantly.

In 1991, Turkey and US elevated their cooperation to the status of Enhanced Partnership. Since then, bilateral relations have continued to prosper and diversify.

Post-Cold War developments have clearly shown that Turkey and the US continue to share a set of common strategic, security and economic concerns and interests.

In this connection, Turkish-US cooperation in the field of energy and on regional issues have recenly gained special importance.

The Balkans figure prominently on Turkey's foreign policy agenda. Turkey regards the Balkans as its gateway to Europe and has always been a key player in the affairs of the Balkans. Therefore, Turkey was profoundly concerned over the human tragedy in Bosnia and Herzegovina that continued for years. This tragedy has, no doubt, left an indelible mark in the collective conscience of all civilized nations.

Turkey attached utmost importance to the preservation of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, independent, and sovereign state within its internationally recognized borders. Turkey was actively involved, from the outset, in efforts, at both bilateral and international levels, to find a just and lasting solution to the Bosnian crisis.

The Dayton Peace Agreements (DPA) brought about a new era of peace in Bosnia. Success has been achieved in many fields particularly regarding the military aspects of the DPA. However, the pace of the civilian implementation is still unsatisfactory.

The safe return of refugees and displaced persons and the handing over of indicted war criminals to the International War Crimes Tribunal are prerequisites to building mutual trust among the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Having contributed to the international peace-keeping efforts in Bosnia, Turkey participates in the Stabilization Force (SFOR) which has been set up as the successor of the Peace Implementation Force (IFOR). Turkey will also shoulder its responsibilities in the post-SFOR period. Furthermore, Turkey contributes to the UN International Police Task Force with 26 police officers.

Yet in another conflict in the Balkans, Turkey is also deeply concerned with the situation in Kosovo. Diplomatic efforts to find a peaceful solution failed after the refusal of the Serbian side to sign the peace agreement prepared in Rambouilliet, as a result of which the NATO operation become absolutely necessary. In this regard, Turkey fully supported and participated in this NATO operation against Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY).

Turkey welcomed the adoption of the UN Security Council Resolution 1244, the withdrawal of the Yugoslav military, security and paramilitary forces from Kosovo and the Kosovo Liberation Army’s Agreement to de-militarise.

Since the outbreak of the crisis Turkey has advocated a broad autonomy for Kosova, equal rights for all national groups, including the Turkish minority in Kosovo and deployment of an international peacekeeping force for the protection of the Kosovar people.

It is Turkey’s conviction that the international presence in Kosovo will take all possible security and confidence-building measures to reinforce the protection and security of the entire Kosovar people. This is of utmost importance for the safe return of all refugees and the displaced persons.

Turkey contributed to KFOR with a mechanised ingfantry battalion of 993 soldiers which has recently been deployed in the Prizren area.

Turkey believes that the political process and the interim administration should pave the way for a pluralistic and participatory democracy in Kosovo where all rights of all national communities can be guaranteed.

Turkey regards peace, stability and cooperation in the Caucasus of paramount importance. Therefore, it exerts every effort to resolve current conflicts and to defuse tensions in this area.

The Azerbaijani-Armenian dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh remains unresolved and is a source of serious concern for the Turkish people.

Turkey supports UN Security Council resolutions which confirm Nagorno-Karabakh as being an integral part of Azerbaijan and call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Armenian troops from occupied Azerbaijani territory. Turkey considers the OSCE/Minsk Peace Process, to which it is a party, to be the best mechanism for finding a peaceful solution to the conflict and regards the 1996 OSCE Lisbon Summit principles laid down by the Statement of the OSCE Chairman-in-Office as an important basis for the solution. These principles envisage the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan and Armenia, the definition of the legal status of Nagorno Karabakh in an agreement based on self determination which confers on Nagorno Karabakh the highest degree of self-rule within Azerbaijan, and guaranteed security for Nagorno Karabakh and its whole population.

In that respect, the intransigent stance adopted by the Kocharian Administration in Armenia vis-a-vis the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has certainly hampered the peace process. Therefore, Turkey expects from Armenia to return back to the course of peace on the basis of Lisbon principles.

Turkey believes that the peaceful resolution of all the conflicts in Caucasia will contribute to the political stability and economic well-being of all Caucasian states and will open up prospects for regional cooperation.

Turkey enjoys a special relationship with the states of Central Asia and Azerbaijan, derived from ties of a shared historical and cultural kinship and linguistic background.

Turkey was the first country to recognize these new states and immediately offered to share its experience in democracy and free market economy with them. Turkey provides economic, commercial, technical, and cultural support to these countries on a bilateral basis, and urges its Western partners to do likewise.

Turkey has also encouraged these new states to establish bilateral and multilateral relations with the rest of the international community. In this connection, it has worked to assist their participation in the UN, OSCE, NACC, and other international institutions. Turkey believes that the wider participation of Central Asian Republics in the Euro-Atlantic community will contribute to the enhancement of Eurasian peace and stability.

Turkey has signed nearly 400 agreements with the Central Asian Republics and Azerbaijan in economic, cultural, educational, communications, transportation, technical assistance, and training fields.

At present, the Turkish private sector is very active in the region. Turkish companies are currently involved in a wide range of investment projects in Central Asia and Azerbaijan, worth nearly 6.5 billion US dollars. Turkey’s trade volume with these countries surpassed 1 billion US dollars in 1996.

The total value of credits Turkey has alloted to the five Central Asian Republics, is around 1.5 billion US dollars, including foodstuff sales on credit, humanitarian and technical assistance.

The aforementioned credits also encouraged Turkish businessmen to enter this new market. The total amount of letters of credit, opened by the Turkish Eximbank to the Central Asian Republics and Azerbaijan up to now is 1,063.41 billion US dollars; the total amount of credits already used is 600.92 million US dollars.

To further improve already excellent bilateral relations and to launch the process of multilateral cooperation among their countries, the Heads of State of Turkish-speaking States held their first Summit Meeting in Ankara in 1992, which was followed by the Ystanbul Summit in 1994, the Bi?kek Summit in 1995, the Tashkent Summit in 1996 and the Astana Summit in 1998..

Russia has always been an important neighbor for Turkey and relations between the two countries date back many centuries. The 500th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries was celebrated in 1992.

The late nineteenth century and the early twentieth century was a period of constant wars between the Ottoman Empire and Tsarist Russia. However, in 1921 the Soviet Union was the first European power to recognize the Ankara Government during the Turkish War of Independence.

Friendly relations between the two countries continued until the end of World War II, when the Soviet Union made territorial claims in eastern Turkey and requested the right to establish military bases on the Turkish straits. Relations consequently became very tense and improved only slightly after Stalin's death in 1953. By the early 1960s, after the Soviet Union had officially withdrawn its claims, bilateral relations between the two countries began to improve steadily and Turkey received substantial Russian economic assistance for joint industrial projects.

The collapse of the Soviet Union marked a new phase in Turkey's relations with the Russian Federation. Both countries, neighbors for centuries, now have the responsibility to foster peace and stability in the region where newly independent states have emerged.

Currently, mutual trust, friendship, cooperation, and good neighborliness form the basis of Turkish-Russian relations, which Turkey seeks to further develop in a constructive manner that serve the mutual interests of both countries.

Turkey's Black Sea neighbors constitute a crucial link in the peace and security belt it wants to see in the area extending from the Balkans to the Caspian Sea region. Turkey played a leading role in setting up the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC). The idea underlying this regional cooperation scheme is to forge a large community of Black Sea littoral states and other interested Balkan and Caucasian nations by means of economic joint ventures and increased trade. This is intended to engender peaceful interdependence among them. The BSEC epitomises a visionary approach to strengthen peace in the region by economic confidence-building.

The BSEC includes nations of different religions and cultures from the Black Sea basin. Its members, apart from Turkey, currently include Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, the Russian Federation, and Ukraine.

The BSEC has established a trade and development bank and launched cooperation in various areas and is making encouraging progress.

The Participating States have adopted a Charter which will transform the BSEC into an "organization" in the short term and approved a Declaration of Intent which envisages the formation of a free trade area in the long term.

Turkey has traditionally enjoyed good relations with Pakistan and Iran. In 1964, this relationship acquired formal expression in a trilateral economic organization when the Heads of State of the three countries set up the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD). In 1985 the RCD, by then dormant, was resuscitated as the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO).

Turkey later took the initiative to enlarge the Organization to include Azerbaijan, the Central Asian Republics and Afghanistan. With its enlarged membership, the ECO is set to play an even more constructive role in fostering regional economic and trading links.

The Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian question lie at the core of the problems and tensions in the Middle East. Turkey, from the outset, recognized the legitimate rights of the Palestinians and has always advocated a peaceful solution to the Palestinian problem based on UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338.

Turkey enthusiastically supported the Middle East Peace Process launched in Madrid in 1991. It has taken an active part in the multilateral fora of the Process.

Turkey regards the signing of the Interim Agreement between Israel and the Palestinians and the Peace Treaty signed between Israel and Jordan as very positive progress. It believes that, despite many obstacles encountered, the momentum for peace must be maintained and the Process carried to full fruition.

Widespread terrorism is a serious obstacle to genuine and lasting peace in the Middle East. The anti-terrorism summit held in Sharm El-Sheikh in March of 1996 was an important milestone in the fight against terrorism in the region. All the countries in the Middle East should now accept that they have a responsibility to abide by the principles adopted at the said Summit and to combat terrorism in an effective manner to help achieve lasting peace in the region.

As a country that recognized and established diplomatic relations with Israel as early as 1948, Turkey has taken the opportunity provided by the peace process to further promote its relations with this country in a mutually beneficial manner. The improving relations between the two countries have historical roots dating back to 1492 when the Ottoman Empire embraced the Sephardic Jews banished from Spain. Turkey also opened its doors without hesitation to thousands of Jewish people during the Second World War. We believe that enhanced cooperation between the two countries, within the framework of various agreements concluded on economic cooperation as well as cooperation in military training and defense industry related issues, not only serve the common interests of our two countries but also the peace and stability of the entire region.

Turkey attaches great importance to the reintegration of Iraq into the international community with its territorial integrity intact, by fully implementing all the applicable UN Security Council resolutions. By doing this, the Iraqi Government would bring the suffering of its people to an end..

Although the great majority of the Turkish population is Muslim, Turkey is a secular state since the establishment of the Turkish Republic by Kemal Atatürk. Notwithstanding this fact, as a consequence of the multi-dimensional character of its foreign policy, Turkey attributes great importance to further its relations and enhancing its cooperation in all fields with the Islamic countries. Turkey occupies a unique place in OIC and plays an active role within the Organization. The historic and cultural ties that bind Turkey to the Arab nations which form the majority of the OIC members are a significant asset for promoting a fruitful and a mutually rewarding partnership within the framework of the OIC.

The Cyprus issue has been on the agenda of the United Nations since the Turkish Cypriots were ousted from all the organs of the partnership state of the Republic of Cyprus by the Greek Cypriot side through force from 1963 onwards. So far, efforts to bring about a solution have been to no avail.

The root of the question lies with the Greek Cypriot side’s refusal to share political power in a new partnership state with the Turkish Cypriot side, on the basis of sovereign equality. Likewise, the Greek Cypriot side’s persistence to join the EU prior to a solution, is aimed at consolidating its false pretense as "the Government of Cyprus."

The decision of the EU Council to start accession negotiations with the Greek Cypriot administration on the basis of an one-sided application has dealt a heavy blow to efforts to find a solution and rendered the parameters that have emerged within the UN process, meaningless. The Greek Cypriot side makes no secret of its intention to use the EU membership card as a means to do away with the balance established between the two communities as well as Turkey and Greece over Cyprus.

Besides the issue of EU membership, the Greek Cypriot side has brought the military dimension to the forefront by intensifying its armament efforts with the encouragement of Greece. All this demonstrates that the Greek/Greek Cypriot front is seeking confrontation rather than reconciliation in Cyprus.

Despite the provocative stance of the Greek side, Turkey is committed to achieving a solution while safeguarding its rights in Cyprus deriving from the 1960 Agreements. Turkey is of the view that international efforts to find a solution can bear fruit if they are built on the existing realities in Cyprus.

The starting point for properly adressing the Cyprus issue should be the acknowledgement of the existence of two equal peoples on the island and their two independent states, sovereign in their respective territories. Working on this valid basis, the two states can resolve some issues of major mutual concern and work within a stable environment towards a new partnership. Turkey now extends its full support to the recent proposal by Rauf Denkta?, President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, envisaging the establishment of "Cyprus Confederation" on the basis of the aforementioned principles.

Relations with Greece constitute one of the most important aspects of Turkish foreign policy. Although Turkey and Greece are NATO allies, associates in the EU and the WEU, share the same geography and the common values and ideals of the Western world, there are a number of longstanding problems between the two countries.

Irrespective of the fact that the mutual interests of the two countries lie in cooperation rather than confrontation, the improvement of Turkish-Greek relations has unfortunately been held hostage to interrelated Aegean problems, most of which were inherited from the past and have yet to be resolved despite all efforts.

The Aegean problems are:

• the breadth of territorial waters,

• delimitation of the continental shelf,

• airspace related problems,

• militarization of Eastern Aegean Islands by Greece contrary to the provisions of international agreements,

• islets and rocks in the Aegean which were not ceded to Greece by international agreements,

• lack of any agreement with Greece to determine maritime boundaries and ,

• numerous other problems within NATO concerning command and control in the Aegean.

The situation of the Turkish Muslim minority living in Western Thrace, Greece, who are systematically deprived of their basic human rights and freedoms is another important problem apart from those in the Aegean.

The fundamental source of tension between the two countries is the Greek perception of regarding the entire Aegean as a Greek sea in total disregard of Turkey’s rights and interests, and the Greek attempts to change the status quo based on a balance of rights and obligations between the two countries established by the Lausanne Peace Treaty of 1923.

The Turkish perception regarding the Aegean is quite different. Turkey advocates that the Turkish-Greek relationship in the Aegean has to be based on the following principles:

• The Aegean is a common sea between Turkey and Greece.

• Both countries should respect each other’s vital interests.

• The freedoms of high seas and the air space above it in the Aegean, which at present both coastal states as well as third countries enjoy, should not be impaired.

• Any acquisition of new maritime areas should be based on mutual consent and should be fair and equitable.

These longstanding problems could have been resolved years ago had the Greek leadership responded favorably to repeated Turkish calls for a negotiated settlement, and had it abondoned the policy of making use of those disagreements in domestic political power struggles.

Turkey has long advocated dialogue and negotiations as the basic means to address these problems. In 1996, Prime Minister Mesut Yylmaz made an important opening to Greece by accepting not to exclude other internationally recognized means of peaceful settlement. As referred to in the UN Charter, these means are negotiations, good offices, mediation, arbitration, conciliation, and recourse to the International Court of Justice. Turkey proposes to resort jointly to any of these means, as appropriate, with a view to resolving all outstanding Aegean problems. In line with this approach, all problems should be addressed within the whole range of peaceful means of settlement.

In order to initiate such a process along these lines, Turkey has called upon Greece several times to initiate a dialogue, but never received a favorable response. Contrary to the Turkish approach, Greece follows a counter productive policy by persistently denying the existence of most of these problems.

Acknowledging one or two of these problems and neglecting the others as well as advocating only one means for a solution in a selective manner are not viable options. To opt for such a course of action would no doubt leave the other outstanding issues unresolved.

Finally, one should realize that the improvement of Turkish-Greek relations and the settlement of these complicated problems do not solely depend on Turkey. Both Turkey and Greece should display efforts to this end. Turkey, on its part, has been exerting every effort to reach a common understanding with Greece.

The following prove the good will and constructive efforts of Turkey:

• Turkish Prime Minister’s comprehensive proposals to Greece in 1996.
• Turkey’s appeals to start contacts on all levels and to initiate cooperation with Greece.
• The support that Turkey renders to the EU-led "Wisemen Group", designed to address all the problems in a balanced and non-binding manner by non-governmental experts from the two countries.
• Turkey’s efforts for the realization of the Madrid Declaration of July 1997.
• Turkey’s proposal to fully implement the 1988 Confidence Building Measures package in the Aegean and to further supplement them with the new CBMs.
• Turkey’s favorable approach to the US and EU initiatives in 1997.
• Turkey’s proposals, dated 12 February and 11 March 1998, about a process of peaceful settlement of problems over the Aegean between the two countries.

Another important problem between the two countries is Greece’s support to the PKK terrorist organization, which came to full daylight as a result of the events leading to the arrest of its leader Öcalan. It was revealed without any doubt that the PKK had been receiving support and assistance from Greece for a long time. This constittutes a violation of Greece’s obligations under international law, its NATO commitments and all principles of neighbourly relations between two countries.

Turkey believes that Greece must promptly and definitely close down all facilities it has provided to the PKK on its territory, prohibit the PKK and its various front organizations and begin cooperating with the international community in the combat against terrorism.

In this framework, the Turkish Foreign Minister made another opening to Greece and sent a letter to his Greek counterpart on 24 May 1999, inviting him to address the problem together. Greek Foreign Minister replied this letter on 25 June 1999. Subsequently, the two Ministers met in New York on 30 June 1999 and agreed to take up 5 separate issues (tourism, environment, culture, terrorism, organized crime, drug trafficking, illegal migration and trade) and to hold bilateral meetings on these issues. The upcoming process will provide us a good opportunity to assess whether Greece is willing to improve its relations with Turkey.

As for the Turkish minority in Western Thrace, whose status is defined by the Lausanne Peace Treaty of 1923, the main problems are as follows:

• Members of the Turkish Muslim Minority were stripped of their citizenship under the former Article 19 of the Greek Nationality Law which enabled authorities to pursue administrative discrimination against those of "non-Greek ethnic origin." . The Greek government intentionally disregards the case of those from Western Thrace who have already become stateless under this article.
• Being deprived of teachers, schooling materials and facilities, school children of the Turkish Minority are faced with the choice of becoming either undereducated second class citizens or of leaving Greece to continue their education. In the latter eventuality, however, they lose their citizenship!
• The Turkish Minority can neither establish nor operate its own educational establishments. Furthermore, Turks of Western Thrace are deprived of the right to choose their own teachers.
• By an order of the Minister of Education, students to be enrolled in the high schools of the Turkish Minority have been selected by an arbitrary lottery system since 1993.
• The 1952 and 1955 Cultural Agreements between Turkey and Greece provide that each year 35 teachers from Turkey are to be designated to the Turkish Minority schools in Western Thrace. However, in defiance of its contractual obligations, Greece permits only 16 teachers to attend schools belonging to the Turkish Minority.
• Practices aimed at restricting the freedom of worship of the Turkish Muslim Minority are of grave concern. Despite Treaty provisions enabling Muftis to come to office through elections by the Turkish minority, Greek authorities have started to designate some minority members as muftis since 1990. Naturally, this practice is unacceptable to the members of the Turkish Minority. Moreover, Muftis elected by the Turkish Minority in Western Thrace are oppressed and intimidated and in some cases they are imprisoned for unwarranted reasons.
• The status of a large area in Western Thrace, which is inhabited by forty thousand Turkish Muslims, is designated as a "Restricted Zone" and kept under military control.

Terrorism, carried out individually or collectively, poses one of the greatest threats to humanity in our age. It is also a threat to international peace and security. Terrorism violates fundamental human rights, particularly the right to live, and can have no justification under any circumstances. It is an evil that strikes at the very core of democracy, pluralistic civil society and economic and social development.

Turkey, itself, fully understands the scourge and menace of terrorism. Since 1984, it has experienced the terrorism perpetrated by the PKK, an internationally recognized terrorist organization, whose aim is to carve out a separate Marxist-Leninist state from Turkey’s sovereign borders through a vile and indiscriminate campaign of violence and destruction. The PKK does not hesitate to raid villages in the southeast of Turkey, burn schools, sabotage economic development projects, and kill innocent civilians--such as women, children and the elderly--including ironically the very people it claims to represent. It receives support from neighboring countries. In this regard, an agreement was reached between Turkey and Syria in October 1998 by which Syria has committed itself to cease giving any support to the PKK. The capture of the leader of PKK after leaving Syria has dealt a heavy blow to the terrorist organization which still tries to wage its campaign of terror.

Turkey naturally has a legitimate duty and obligation to combat this terrorist scourge and protect its citizens, in keeping with several international agreements regarding the fight against terrorism. In this pursuit, it is imperative that the common international understanding that all nations must firmly stand united against acts of terrorism be translated into concerted international cooperation and concrete action in this worthy endeavor. Through effective international cooperation in vigorously fighting terrorism, terrorists would then find no safe haven or support for their illegal activities.